Holocaustianity, Part 5: The Denazification of American Education
Desegregation, ethnic pluralism, and the erosion of America’s Anglo-Protestant educational order.
As we reflect on the first decade of historical shifts that reshaped theology and politics through postwar guilt and compromise, let us pause to apply Scripture’s light to our own lives. Just as Paul urges us in the verse central to our efforts—to “prove all things; hold fast that which is good” (1 Thessalonians 5:21)—we must scrutinize postwar narratives and lessons through Scripture’s lens, repenting of any uncritical embrace of tenets that elevate unmoored empathy over eternal truth.
Overwhelmed by postwar accounts, the peoples of old Christendom uncritically adopted two worldly remedies—condemning antisemitism and championing pluralism—believing them bulwarks against Nazi hatred. But have we considered whether these measures, even if heartfelt, truly align with biblical guidance? In its haste to rebuild after devastation, the West sought to mend historical wounds but embraced solution which eroded crucial values such as national distinctions that Scripture urges us to honor—as in Deuteronomy 32:7-8 and Exodus 20:12, which connect national homelands to ancestral heritage, not Enlightenment notions of “human rights.”
Brothers, let us gather in prayerful study and ask God for wisdom (James 1:5), and discuss how these historical drifts affect our witness today. Let us honor our national fathers for laboring to bequeath an earthly patrimony to their posterity. And let us honor our spiritual fathers as worthy of “double honor” for laboring in word and doctrine for our eternal benefit (1 Timothy 5:17). In doing so, we reclaim the supremacy of the crucified and resurrected Christ, casting off worldly burdens for his gentle yoke (Matthew 11:30) and standing firm against the deceptions of our modern age, even as we acknowledge the earnest intentions that arose amid postwar sorrows. May his grace guide us in obedient faithfulness as we continue in the mission that he has laid out for us. The modern creed of Holocaustianity distorts our faith, suppresses biblical truth, and burdens Western nations with ungodly aims. We must continue to will probe its mechanisms, challenge its claims, and chart a course back to a church anchored in God’s unchanging truth, guided ever by his Word as the lamp to light our path.
The Assault of Ethnic Pluralism
In the autumn of 1957, as the leaves turned crimson over the quiet streets of Little Rock, Arkansas, a storm of federal overreach descended upon a town in what would become a crucible for a new moral order reshaping America’s soul. This new moral order, which abandoned our duty to future generations much as it had the mantle of the past, would put our children directly in harm’s way.
President Dwight D. Eisenhower, the former Supreme Allied Commander who had once led armies against the Axis powers, now turned that martial might inward. He federalized the Arkansas National Guard on September 23 under Executive Order 10730—a brazen seizure of control that stripped Arkansas Governor Orval Faubus of his command over his own state’s forces. The Arkansas governor had deployed the Guard weeks earlier, on September 2, to safeguard Central High School from the chaos of forced integration. He cited credible threats of violence amid overwhelming local opposition to the Supreme Court’s 1954 Brown v. Board of Education mandate, a decree that had attempted to end segregated schools without a whisper of consent from the governed. Backed by intelligence reports of potential riots from segregationist protesters and pro-integration agitators, the governor’s deployment of his state’s National Guard situated him as a defender of peace against federal tyranny.
When Eisenhower invoked the Insurrection Act of 1807, he reframed this peaceful resistance as “domestic violence” obstructing federal law as dictated by the Supreme Court. This paved the way for an unprecedented deployment of active-duty U.S. troops against American civilians.
The intrigue deepened as whispers of political maneuvering swirled. Eisenhower was privately reluctant. He agonized over the decision, as revealed in declassified memos and telephone conversations where he expressed hesitation to his Attorney General. He ultimately bowed to advisors like the Attorney General Brownell, who pushed for a show of federal strength to bolster America’s anti-racist image abroad amid Cold War optics concerns, to counter Soviet propaganda that highlighted U.S. segregation as hypocritical for a nation that had just defeated the German Nazis.
Yet polls at the time revealed the raw divide. Gallup’s September 1957 survey showed that of the 95% of Americans aware of the crisis, 52% approved Eisenhower’s handling nationally, but a stark 81% disapproved in the South. Those closest to the realities on the ground understood, at least in part, the troubles it would cause their own children. Over 90% of Whites in regional polls rejected integration outright. This underscored the regional fracture. Media spin turned local autonomy into “insurrection.” To the cosmopolitan press, the Southern Nazis had to be crushed—consent of the governed be damned.
Thus, on September 24, Eisenhower dispatched one thousand paratroopers from the elite 101st Airborne Division. These battle-hardened assault troops arrived with fixed bayonets. They came not to quell riots, but to enforce the entry of nine Black students—the Little Rock Nine—into a historically White institution that had stood as a patrimony for Anglo-Protestant families for generations.
Adding layers of controversy, the division’s commander, Major General Edwin Walker, dutifully enforced the integration despite his own emerging nationalistic concerns. He would later resign in 1961 amid scandal over his anti-communist indoctrination program for troops, which he had deployed to expose communist infiltration in the military. This tied the Little Rock deployment to broader concerns of postwar “denazification” that silenced dissenters who saw this federal overreach as a Marxist plot to erode national distinctions.
This was no mere escort. It was a spectacle of federal tyranny. Soldiers herded defiant White students and protesters at gunpoint. Their bayonets glinted under the Arkansas sun as they dispersed crowds of over a thousand segregationists, some protesting, others hurling epithets in defense of their ancestral schools.
Ordinarily, the Posse Comitatus Act bars military use in domestic law enforcement, but the Insurrection Act’s exception technically cloaked the deployment in legality. Thus, Eisenhower’s extraordinary move evaded accountability, and set a precedent for future overreaches. While the federalized Guard was initially ordered to their own barracks to effectively neutralize Faubus’s blockade, elements were later redeployed under federal command to aid the integration. White families were left stripped of state protection against the federally imposed mixing.
Incidents flared—a segregationist was jabbed with a bayonet, another was struck with a rifle butt. Inside the school, the Nine faced verbal harassment from White students. This was a microcosm of the broader clash between God’s ordained distinctions and the postwar creed’s demand for coerced ethnic pluralism to root out any vestiges of ethnic exclusion in the West. Disparate families of the earth, apportioned by the Most High to seek Him through their unique inheritances, were thrust together in defiance of divine boundaries meant to preserve peace through natural separation. National headlines branded the White resisters as villains. They equated their stand for ethnic particularism with Nazi prejudice, even as the deployment exposed the duplicity of “democracy”—no vote, no referendum, no consent or representation, just bayonets enforcing a moral order born from anti-fascist fervor.
Such scenes, repeated in various forms across the South, echoed the coercive spirit of the post-Nuremberg order, where internationalist ideals trampled historically European communities, and where dissenters to this imposition were castigated as backward and racist, unfit for an Allied power that had just defeated such thinking in WWII. Yet these dissenters, faithfully holding to the Anglo-Protestant legacy of their American forebears, mourned the erosion of their children’s God-given patrimony, now subverted by a federal decree echoing internationalist calls for imposed ethnic pluralism.
This crucible in Little Rock was no mere political dispute. It was the spearhead of a new cult—a new religion spreading across the West. It weaponized wartime traumas to dismantle biblical ancestral patrimonies. It ignited the imposition of a new belief system in American education, culminating in a deliberate purge of Protestant roots and natural distinctions. It bound America’s faithful to a secular dogma of universal pluralism that repaid reported wartime atrocities with the dispossession of an Anglo-Christian nation and coerced diversity. Through this lens of Little Rock, we can expose the postwar “denazification” of American education—a twofold revolution imposing ethnic pluralism to shatter ancestral bonds, followed by religious pluralism to demote Christ, repaying wartime evils with spiritual apostasy.
Desegregation: Imposing the Postwar Religion of Ethnic Pluralism in American Public Schools
Amid forcible racial integration in the mid-1950s, many American Protestants still favored ethnic segregation, as earlier generations had, but by the late 1960s, the internationalists’ push for progressive denazification —began to reshape American Christian thought from the top down. The imposition of racial integration, enforced without the consent or vote of the people, laid bare the hypocrisy of Western “democracy,” which claimed to uphold enlightened values like “liberty” and “consent” while deploying armed forces to compel compliance to a new pluralist mandate.
Stone Choir podcast host Treble Woe recently described how such moral, political, and demographic changes to America were forced down by the use of authority, without popular appeal:
At no point in the devolution of America has a populist appeal been made… They were all imposed either coercively, deceptively, or by judicial fiat. No elaborate arguments, no persuasion. Just raw, naked force.
Nonetheless, American churches—not subject to forcible integration at bayonet-point—remained, for the most part, highly segregated gatherings, reflecting the natural piety and ancestral affinities that Scripture upholds as God’s design for temporal human life. For the past 70 years, modern egalitarians have lamented that “the most segregated hour in America begins at 11 o’clock every Sunday morning,” wielding this as an indictment against the Church in favor of a more “inclusive” and “diverse” world order. In so doing they besmirch the Bride of Christ with a worldly rebuke, seeking to repudiate godly instincts which honor the design of divinely ordainted familial groupings, rather than conforming to a coerced cosmopolitanism that erodes God’s created distinctions.
From a traditionalist Christian view, these coercive upheavals violate God’s design for ancestral separation, as outlined in Deuteronomy 2 and 32, where the Lord assigns distinct lands to peoples to foster familial nations protected from foreign incursion, rooted in the piety to parents and patria (Latin for “fatherland”). This push, defying biblical order to out-compete communists in a twisted race for universal egalitarianism, set the stage for further capitulation in the decades ahead, with tangible harms like interracial violence and cultural dispossession swiftly following wherever such policies were adopted and enforced. Through judicial decrees and institutional mandates, a trauma-driven agenda reshaped politics and education, diverting American Christians from prewar convictions toward a hollow modern creed. This new creed—or perhaps we must say, this new cult of Holocaustianity—sought moral atonement for the reported wartime atrocities of a nation which the U.S. had fought against, committing its followers to the ethnic and religious suicide of the West.
As we saw with the coercive use of federal troops at Little Rock, this imposition often relied on raw force to override local resistance, exemplifying the involuntary nature of these changes. As its influence deepened through the mid-century push for racial integration, which was initially resisted by many American Protestants, the internationalists would later advance additional progressive reforms, especially the Civil Rights Act in 1964 that restricted the constitutional freedom of association, the Hart-Celler Act in 1965 that overhauled immigration quotas to favor non-European chain migration, and the Loving v. Virginia decision which overturned miscegenation laws in 1967. These rolling American denazification policies coercively remolded conservative Christian thought by the enforcement of governmental power.
To bolster this push, civil rights activists and intellectuals in the 1940s and 50s explicitly equated American segregation and Jim Crow laws with Nazi ideology, framing desegregation as an essential moral imperative to purge fascist relics from U.S. society. Influential Black scholar W. E. B. Du Bois, who visited Nazi Germany in 1936, frequently drew these parallels. In a 1945 speech, he declared, “We have conquered Germany but not their ideas. We still believe in white supremacy.” One New York Amsterdam News editorial argued, “If the Swastika is an emblem of racial oppression, the Stars and Stripes are equally so.”
Such rhetoric directly influenced the strategies of organizations like the NAACP, leading to the pivotal Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board in 1954. This began during the war itself. Labor and civil rights leader A. Philip Randolph, through the “Double Victory” campaign during WWII—pursuing victory over fascism abroad and victory over racism at home—equated Jim Crow to Nazi racial supremacy in speeches and writings, arguing that segregated military and civilian life at home undermined the war effort against Hitler abroad. This laid groundwork for postwar activism, including Randolph’s organization of the 1958-1959 Youth Marches for Integrated Schools in Washington, D.C., where participants invoked wartime lessons to demand equal education, branding segregation as a fascist holdover betraying democratic ideals.
Postwar global scrutiny during the Cold War amplified these comparisons, with segregation lambasted in UN discussions as akin to Nazism, pressuring domestic reforms like Brown v. Board to “prove” America’s anti-fascist credentials and advance pluralism over particularism. Thus, the denazification of American schools was not merely domestic but intertwined with wartime anti-Nazi fervor, weaponizing Holocaust lessons to override natural affinities and biblical patrimonies.
Modern liberals cite the Holocaust narrative as a driving factor in the push for desegregation in America. In a 2006 address at the Centre for Human Rights, at the University of Pretoria in South Africa, visiting US Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg gave a speech entitled “Brown v. Board of Education in International Context” that directly connected the compulsory integration of American public schools with the postwar push to repudiate anything resembling Nazi policies. Speaking highly of this shift, Ginsberg, herself a Jewess, began by comparing American segregation to the maligned South African Apartheid and the paradigm of Nazi Germany, saying,
Although the Brown decision did not refer to international law or opinion, there is little doubt that the climate of the era explains, in significant part, why apartheid in America began to unravel in the late 1940s, in the aftermath of World War II. The United States and its allies had fought, successfully, to destroy Hitler’s Holocaust Kingdom and the rank racism that prevailed during the years of Nazi ascendancy in Europe. Yet our own troops, when we entered that War, were racially segregated.
Ginsburg then explained how Chief Justice Earl Warren had noted that the Allied fight against German racism created a “troublesome analogy” for American segregation. Justice Warren claimed,
The segregation and extermination of non-Aryans in Hitler’s Germany were shocking for Americans, but they also served as a troublesome analogy... The contradiction between the egalitarian rhetoric employed against the Nazis and the presence of racial segregation in America was a painful one.
Ginsburg further highlighted the Cold War pressures bearing down on the United States, quoting Secretary of State Dean Acheson’s warning in a Brown amicus brief that racial discrimination, in his words, “jeopardizes the effective maintenance of our moral leadership of the free and democratic nations of the world.” His sentiment underscored how postwar anti-Nazi sentiments and international scrutiny compelled top-down reforms like Brown v. Board to align America’s domestic policies with its global anti-Nazi stance. Thus, forcible integration at bayonet point was vital to ensuring America’s international standing as an anti-fascist leader.
Central to these efforts was the prominent Jewish involvement in the Civil Rights movement, which played a key role in founding, funding, and advancing organizations like the NAACP to drive desegregation and impose pluralism on American education. American Jews had helped to establish the NAACP in 1909, providing significant financial support and legal expertise. Henry Moskowitz co-founded it alongside Black leaders like W. E. B. Du Bois, and Jewish philanthropists contributed substantially to its operations, enabling landmark cases like Brown v. Board of Education.
This involvement extended to direct alliances with Martin Luther King Jr., exemplified by Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel marching alongside him as part of the “Grand Alliance,” where Jewish leaders framed segregation as akin to Nazi oppression, leveraging Holocaust narratives to equate Jim Crow with Nazism and pressure educational reforms. Organizations like the American Jewish Committee (founded in 1906) and the American Jewish Congress (founded in 1918) offered legal and financial backing for desegregation efforts, amplifying the postwar creed’s call for ethnic pluralism while repudiating the inheritance of America’s founding stock. For example, leaders of the American Jewish Congress argued that their organization opposed racial segregation “both because of its inherent immorality and because anti-Semitism will not be ended as long as racial segregation endures.”
Thus, these Jewish-led initiatives, rooted in anti-fascist rhetoric and ethnic self-interest, paralleled and spurred on the broader denazification drive in America. The postwar imposition of a mixed interracial order specifically defied the founding fathers’ vision for an Anglo-European nation in North America, unified into a federal government to secure the blessings of liberty to themselves and their posterity—with naturalization policies limiting expansion of the project to “free white persons of good character.” Stemming from the pre-Enlightenment roots of early American settlers and colonists, whose Christian bravery, fidelity, and fecundity enabled them to settle and tame the New World, fulfilling part of God’s promise to enlarge Japheth (Genesis 9:27), our American fathers maintained this largely homogeneous WASP society with an ethnic particularism that prioritized ancestral continuity, ethnic compatibility, and national cohesion. In the 1780s, the United States’ founders, while admittedly tainted in part by the creeping egalitarianism of Lucifer’s Enlightenment, nonetheless celebrated ethnic homogeneity as essential to national stability, far from the cosmopolitan blending now demanded by postwar globalists.
Modern Christians, however, steeped in the contemporary catechism of the post-Nuremberg order, now label our founding fathers as “quaint” at best—or exclusionary, backward, and even “racist” at worst—for codifying such natural affections into law. Yet, have we reflected on how our radical postwar shift toward universal egalitarian pluralism, though often pursued with heartfelt intentions, departs from God’s creation design? Consider how the Supreme Court’s Obergefell v. Hodges decision, which legalized same-sex “marriage” nationwide in 2015, catalyzed a rapid shift in public opinion toward widespread acceptance of this abomination of “sexual egalitarianism,” overcoming earlier resistance exemplified by California’s Proposition 8, where blue state voters had banned it just seven years earlier. The top-down ruling overturned the will of the people, yet also normalized and legitimized the practice, influencing even previously skeptical “conservatives” to yield to the catechizing influence of state power.
So too with the postwar imposition of unbounded ethnic pluralism. Unlike our forefathers, it is our own modern mentality, trained by the tip of a bayonet in 1957, that is at stark variance from Christian history and the natural order ordained by God in Scripture and creation, where ethnically distinct nations serve as patrimonies to foster piety and seek the divine (Deuteronomy 32:7–8, Acts 17:24–30). This modern imposition, strongly impelled by the anti-fascist narrative’s guilt-laden ethos, not only dishonors America’s forebears but perpetuates a duplicitous “democracy” that enforces global egalitarianism through judicial fiat and military force, bypassing the actual will of the people, whose natural inclination for a high level of social homogeneity—still seen in many churches—was rooted in God-given natural affections shared by our founding stock, and not the irrational and cartoonish hatred portrayed by Hollywood to slander our Christian fathers.
Nonetheless, as the Holocaust’s wrenching narratives grew more pervasive in media and public school curricula in the 1960s, our cosmopolitan priests branded ethnic particularism and segregation a moral evil akin to Nazism. Christian dissenters, whose views more closely aligned with those of America’s founding fathers, were increasingly demonized and cast to the radical fringes.
America’s urban schoolchildren in particular bore the brunt of this radical social change. Harold Saltzman’s 1972 book, Race War in High School, documents in harrowing detail how the forcible push for integration in urban schools like Brooklyn’s Franklin K. Lane High led to rampant violence, racial clashes, and institutional collapse during the 1960s, transforming once-orderly halls into battlegrounds of chaos and fear, where Black students assaulted White teachers and students with impunity, including brutal beatings, the choking and attempted rape of a young White female teacher, and the stripping and punching of a White girl in the auditorium by five Black assailants, all while school authorities rewarded Black students with disproportionate scholarships and concessions. Facing deaf ears at the district level, and no relief in sight, one White mother said,
I’m sick of it, sick of knowing my son has to endure two more years of hell in Lane. That’s why I’m taking him out of here and enrolling him in a private school. I can’t afford it, but I talked it over with my husband and we’ll borrow the money. It’ll be worth it just for once to see him smile when he leaves the house for school.
The phenomenon of “White flight” emerged as traditional WASP parents uprooted their families to find safe haven far from mixed-race urban centers, placing their children in expensive private schools or public schools in wealthier, more racially homogeneous suburban neighborhoods, paying a demographic tax to escape the post-Nuremberg mandates and leaving poorer White families to bear the brunt of America’s imposed egalitarian utopia. What resulted was the gradual ethnic cleansing of Whites from major American cities, which were once renowned for their civility and architecture, and now increasingly dilapidated at the ingress of groups unfit for maintaining them—a direct cost of imposed diversity, which dismantled the protective boundaries of ancestral particularism in pursuit of globalistic unity. As Harold Saltzman reported, “In 1968 an official United States Government Report told the nation that we are moving toward two societies, ‘one predominantly white and located in the suburbs... and one largely Negro, located in the central cities.’”
From a Biblical lens, these postwar upheavals arose from defying God’s ordained pattern of ancestral division, as seen in Deuteronomy 2, Deuteronomy 32:7-8, and Acts 17, where God apportions unique territories to ancestral peoples to nurture familial patrimonies shielded from external threats, grounded in filial duty to fathers, countrymen, and fatherlands, as articulated by Aquinas in his Summa Theologicae and enjoined in the Decalogue (Exodus 20:12).
The earthly ramifications of this modern, cosmopolitan defiance against God’s natural order have been profound and tragic, compounding spiritual compromise with tangible harm. Since forced integration, interracial violence has surged, with the 1968 Kerner Commission report admitting that segregation and poverty had created a “destructive environment” in urban ghettos, exacerbating racial tensions that fueled riots and unrest. Post-Brown desegregation efforts in cities like Boston during the 1970s busing crisis led to documented spikes in school-related assaults. This included Black youths attacking White motorists and students in integrated settings, as chronicled in historical accounts of the era.
Office of Justice Programs data from the 1970s further reveal increases in assaults on teachers and property damage in desegregated urban schools. Junior-high institutions in large cities reported higher rates of personal violence—often two to three times higher than in homogeneous ones—underscoring a generational toll where White families bore disproportionate harms in the name of coerced unity. Bureau of Justice Statistics data from the National Crime Victimization Survey indicate disproportionate rates of Black-on-White assaults, including in recent decades an incidence of 8,000 to 20,000 Black-on-White rapes per year—far exceeding White-on-Black rapes, which are often statistically negligible, if not zero.
This violent pattern, exacerbated post-desegregation, underscores the real-world costs of upending God’s teleological order for mankind. By forcibly mixing peoples from youth against natural and divine boundaries, Holocaustianity’s pluralizing ethos invites the molestation, dispossession, and sometimes even murder of American children, shattering the protective patria that honors forebears and safeguards posterity, thus promoting ethnic blending while rejecting the particularism of God’s divided nations as familial inheritances. Contrast this faithless attitude with the protective fervor with which God charges the wandering Hebrews not to meddle with, violate, or provoke the native Edomites, “take ye good heed unto yourselves therefore: Meddle not with them; for I will not give you of their land, no, not so much as a foot breadth” (Deuteronomy 2:4-5), declaring that the ancestral land of Esau’s descendants were theirs alone to honor and protect—a far cry from the globalistic pluralism imposed on America’s founding stock in the decades following World War II.
From this lens, the midcentury Christian protesters of forced desegregation were not mere relics of a bygone era, but faithful stewards of their God-given home, upholding biblical principles of filial honor for God-given fatherlands against a self-destructive creed. Our modern Holocaust-tainted confession repays wartime traumas with the perpetual, intergenerational scourge of interracial aggression and national deprivation. Exacerbated by mass Third World immigration, it frays the ancestral fabric of Western nations, exposing our posterity to endless foreign incursion, excessive crime, and permanent dispossession through population shifts on a scale unprecedented in human history—except in wartime. Nonetheless, the perpetrators and celebrators of this dispossession understand that immigration is warfare by other means, as Vox Day observed:
Immigration is much worse than a military invasion. Because when there’s a military invasion and occupation, they eventually go home. Look at the difference between the Allied occupation of Paris, the Nazi occupation of Paris, and the immigration invasion of Paris. Which of those three things has done the most harm to the French? It’s not even close. And this is where the effectiveness of Word Magic can be seen: If you don’t send in soldiers armed with rifles, and just send in “poor refugees just looking for a better place to live in safety,” or “people looking for jobs to make a better life for themselves and their families,” then they’re going to stay. They’re going to stay as long as they are being provided the means to do so.
The Allied powers’ postwar disregard for ancestral patrimonies eventually permeated conservative circles, as the pluralist mandate pressed heavily on the West. In the 1970s, despite the lingering influence of older Christians like the late Bob Jones, who had upheld ethnic separation as a biblical principle rooted in God’s design as earlier generations had done (Bob Jones Sr., “Is Segregation Scriptural?” April 1960), others like Jerry Falwell and his associates in the Moral Majority, established in 1979, aligned with Buckley’s denazified vision of mainstream conservatism, opposing abortion and hyper-secularism while capitulating to postwar ethnic pluralism and embracing evangelical Zionism. To make matters worse, conservative Christians began eisegeting postwar principles into Scripture to realign their churches with the new moral order mandated by their government, much as their liberal Christian counterparts had done in the Civil War era.
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