Defending Christian Nationalism Without Apology: Four Indispensable Issues
If we are serious about defending Christian nationalism, we must be willing to discuss these issues openly: race, power, Jews, and duty to our own.
The last few years have seen a good deal of infighting among Reformed Christians over issues relating to race, nationalism, natural affections, foreign policy and even economics. Recently a number of “normie” church members have asked me why we should care about such issues that are the basis of so much division.
But if we are serious about defending Christian nationalism—the idea that a nation should be ordered under the kingship of Christ, with laws, culture, and public life reflecting the natural law and the gospel—we cannot afford to be squeamish about certain topics. Some issues feel uncomfortable to polite church women of both sexes, yet they are necessary if we are going to give a robust, intellectually honest defense of a Christian social order. The early church did not conquer the Roman Empire by tiptoeing around pagan sensitivities; it proclaimed Christ crucified and risen in the public square, undeterred by accusations of sedition or blasphemy.
Likewise, a robust Christian nationalism demands we confront the regime's sacred cows head-on. Below are the four issues we must be willing to discuss openly, briefly expanded with historical context, biblical grounding, and real-world evidence, and why each is indispensable.
1. Race: The Trojan Horse of the New Egalitarian Order
Modern American law has enshrined a second constitution (Christopher Caldwell’s phrase in The Age of Entitlement) that operates parallel to the original one. The Civil Rights Act of 1964, ostensibly aimed at ending Jim Crow segregation, metastasized through judicial activism into affirmative action, disparate-impact doctrine, and the entire DEI regime. These did not merely outlaw racial discrimination but imposed a new anthropology in which any statistical disparity between groups is treated as morally illegitimate, presumptive evidence of systemic sin requiring state intervention. This is a logical consequence of denying the reality of race. If group differences don’t arise as a consequence primarily of inherent differences, one necessary logical inference is that race differences are solely the result of the sinful imposition of power differentials (i.e., systemic oppression).
In Griggs v. Duke Power Co. (1971), the Supreme Court ruled that employment tests with "disparate impact" on minorities were unlawful unless proven strictly necessary, even if neutral on their face. This birthed quotas in hiring, admissions, and contracting. Today, many Fortune 500 companies mandate DEI training that labels "whiteness" as a problem; universities like Harvard openly discriminate against Whites and Asians to engineer "equity." FBI crime statistics show persistent group differences in violent offense rates—blacks, 13% of the population, commit over 50% of homicides per the 2024 Uniform Crime Report—yet discussing these is taboo, lest it challenge the egalitarian myth.
This is not biblical equality before God ("There is neither Jew nor Greek... for ye are all one in Christ Jesus," Galatians 3:28), it is gnostic egalitarianism that denies created differences (Genesis 1:27; Acts 17:26, where God "made of one blood all nations... and hath determined the times before appointed, and the bounds of their habitation") and punishes nature itself. Once race is politicized this way, every other hierarchy—family (patriarchy as "oppressive"), church (ordination limited to men), merit (IQ differentials ignored), locality (borders as "racist"), etc.—is labeled as “systemically oppressive” and scheduled for deconstruction. If we refuse to talk about race frankly, citing Scripture's affirmation of nations and natural distinctions, we concede the premise that outcome-equality is the goal of justice. That premise is antichrist, because it makes war against the order Christ established in creation (Psalm 139:13–14; Romans 9:20–21).
2. Concentrated Power & Elites: Who Actually Rules?
Christian nationalism is not just nostalgia for “the old America” of picket fences and prayer in schools. It is the claim that Christ is King of nations (Psalm 72:11; Revelation 11:15), which means no cabal of unaccountable oligarchs—whether financial, technological, or media—may usurp his rule through shadow governance.
Today a tiny elite controls the choke points of culture. BlackRock and Vanguard, manage over $19 trillion in assets. BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street collectively hold significant stakes in nearly all S&P 500 companies, often being the largest shareholders in around 90% of them. They manage these shares for millions of clients, giving them proxy voting power to enforce ESG (environmental, social, governance) mandates that prioritize woke ideology over profits. Six corporations—Disney, Comcast, Warner Bros. Discovery, Paramount, Sony, and Fox—control 90% of U.S. media. Three payment processors (Visa, Mastercard, PayPal) can de-bank you for your politics, as seen with Nigel Farage in 2023 or Canadian truckers in 2022 under Trudeau's Emergencies Act.
This is not conspiracy theory; it is public SEC filings, earnings reports, and antitrust studies like the 2023 House Judiciary Committee report on Big Tech censorship. Historical parallels abound: Medieval popes excommunicated usurers for similar concentrations; the American Founders smashed the Bank of the United States in 1832 to prevent elite capture. If we will not name concentrated power—advocating trust-busting, local currencies, and subsidies for families and churches—we consent to a new feudalism dressed in progressive rhetoric. A Christian nation must break up these monopolies and restore dispersed authority—family, church, county, state—as in the Swiss cantons or early American federalism (Exodus 18:21; Acts 17:26-27).
3. Jewish Elites in Particular: The Theological Root
This is the issue that gets people labeled “antisemitic”, yet it is primarily theological, not racial—a distinction lost on a secular age. Historic Judaism, after the rejection of Christ, officially defined itself in opposition to the Incarnate Logos (John 1:14; "the Word was made flesh"). The Talmud and later rabbinic tradition like Maimonides' Mishneh Torah contain strenuous repudiations of Jesus as Messiah—calling him a sorcerer executed justly, repudiations more absolute than anything in the Quran.
To reject the Logos is to reject the principle of order itself (John 1:1–3; Colossians 1:16–17). A social order built on the rejection of Christ is inherently revolutionary, because it has no transcendent grounding for hierarchy, tradition, limits, or repentance—replacing them with tikkun olam as endless “repair" through human effort along with social and political revolution. This is why post-Enlightenment revolutionary movements—Bolshevism, the Frankfurt School, neoconservatism, Soros-style open-society projects—have disproportionate Jewish intellectual leadership. Per Kevin MacDonald's The Culture of Critique, Jews comprised 50-80% of leadership in these movements despite being 2% of the population. It is not “all Jews” (many Orthodox oppose this), but it is a theological trajectory that flows logically from the words, “His blood be on us and on our children” (Matthew 27:25) and the curse of Deuteronomy 28 for covenant-breaking.
We do not hate Jewish neighbors—we pray for their conversion, as Paul did (Romans 10:1)—but we cannot pretend that a ruling class animated by a post-Christian, anti-Logos ethos will ever tolerate a Christian nation. For example, the ADL labels Christian nationalism "hate" and Hollywood mocks Christ routinely. Soft-pedaling this, as in evangelical "Judeo-Christian" mythology, guarantees defeat.
4. Piety & Concentric Circles: We Owe Duties First to “Our Own”
Finally, Christian nationalism recovers the biblical order of loves. Thomas Aquinas in Summa Theologica spoke of pietas—the virtue that renders to each his due, beginning with God (Deuteronomy 6:5), then parents (Exodus 20:12), kin (Leviticus 19:32), neighbors, and fellow citizens. Scripture repeatedly commands special care for “your people” (Exodus 22:21 on strangers but prioritizing Israelites; Gal 6:10: "do good to everyone, and especially to those who are of the household of faith"; 1 Timothy 5:8: "if anyone does not provide for his relatives...he has denied the faith").
Abstract “humanity” is not a biblical category for obligation but an Enlightenment abstraction enabling globalism. Open borders dilute citizenship; endless foreign wars ($8 trillion in the Middle East since 2001) bleed treasure; global financial usury robs the inner circles of wealth. A man who claims to love “the world” while his own children eat seed corn is a liar (1 John 3:17). True charity begins at home and radiates outward—like the Good Samaritan aiding a fellow traveler, not dissolving nations. We never dissolve the nearer for the sake of the farther.
Conclusion: No Half-Measures
If we defend Christian nationalism while refusing to touch these four issues—with data, history, and unashamed Scripture—we are offering a neutered faith that poses no threat to the regime. The early Church conquered Rome by fearless public proclamation, not by whispering in catacombs (Acts 4:29–31). We must do the same: name reality plainly, root our arguments in Scripture and natural law, and trust that the truth will make us free (John 8:32). Christ is King—let us act like it.
ATTENTION READER:
Institutional trust is at record lows. But without institutions, we cannot renew our people, much less provide an inheritance to posterity. In response to this crisis and as an organic outgrowth both of necessity and natural interest, American Mantle exists. And so we make our appeal.
